Pure Research Submission Process
Pure Research Reports:
'The
Choral Revolution'
by Rececca Singh and Nick Carpenter
'Kinesthetic Transference in Performance'
by Erika Batdorf, Kate Digby and Denise
Fujiwara
'The Invitation'
by Moynan King & Sherri Hay
'Sound
Manipulation'
by Cathy Nosaty, Laurel MacDonald & Philip Strong
'Voice, Music & Narrative'
by Martin Julien
'Hello!
Sound, Voice and Connection'
by Heather Nicol
'Beneath the Poetry: Magic not Meaning'
by Kate Hennig
'Exploring the Land Between Speaking
and Singing'
by Guillaume Bernardi
'On
Comedy'
by Lois Brown & Liz Pickard
'Theatre
of Illumination'
by Shadowland Theatre
Read Brian's article on Pure Research from the Canadian Theatre
Review
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Pure Research Report - December
2007:
The Unsuspecting Audience
by Moynan King and Sherri Hay
The Unsuspecting Audience explored the interstices between
social and theatrical experience. Beginning with the premise that
some social situations are performative, we set out to observe degrees
and kinds of audience engagement in an uncontrolled public environment
and to question the concept of audience.
This research project is a continuation of our previous research
project, The Invitation. In both of these experiments costumes
were central to our research. While last year we explored if and
when a group became a performance by dressing them up, this year
we turned our attention to the responses and actions of the larger
unsuspecting world: observing if and when the public
became an audience.
Over a period of three days we dressed ourselves in a variety of
different costumes costumes that ran the gamut from invisibility
(blending in) to extreme visibility (deliberately standing out).
In the audience, we sought to observe:
-Ownership - to what degree they felt the performance was for their
benefit.
-To what degree they felt that it was about them.
-To what degree they felt they could control it.
-To what degree they felt they got it.
-Their level of engagement with us.
-The cues the costume gave them that they were witnessing something
that is deliberately performed.
-How the image we presented led to expectations and assumptions
about who we were and what we were doing.
-How they themselves performed how they played
along with whatever they considered the performance to be, or pretended
not to notice us.
In ourselves, we sought to observe:
-How visible we perceived ourselves to be in each costume and each
venue, and how much space we felt we took up.
-How we fell into the role elicited from us by the costume.
-How we fell into the role elicited from us by the audience.
-The combined qualities of the costume and venue.
Our level of comfort with the different kinds of attention we received.
THE COSTUME WE WORE | WHERE WE WENT AND WHAT WE DID THERE
Pyjamas and slippers
1. sat in the subway during morning rush hour
2. had coffee at Starbucks
3. went shopping at Winners
Twins: matching brightly coloured contemporary clothing
1. rode the subway during afternoon rush hour pretending not to
know each other
2. went shopping at Winners
Victorian period dresses with corsets and crinolines
1. walked through the PATH underground mall, looking at a map, and
occasionally asking directions, sat on the steps, ate breakfast
in the food court
2. walked through the offices at Roy Thomson Concert Hall
Uniforms, navy blue sailor type with red stars on our chest
1. held the door open for people at the Union Station subway during
evening rush hour
2. went to the smoking area and offered to light peoples cigarettes
3. held the door open for people in the skywalk
White bear suit and lady in business suit
1. went for lunch at Marché Restaurant, BCE Place
2. got money from the bank machine
3. had coffee at Starbucks
4. walked in the street
Some of our Observations:
Day 1
Morning Pyjamas:
1 In the subway we sat down on the bench, a lot of people
were walking by and most of them ignored us. There was the occasional
stare and an even rarer nod or wink of complicity. The TTC police
came to find out what we were doing almost immediately; they were
worried that we were ill or crazy and looked for our hospital wrist
bands They went away and then returned about 10 minutes later saying
that they had received concerned calls about us, and they asked
us to leave.
2 - At Starbucks we sat in front of the gas fireplace and requested
that the fire be turned on. At first people seemed to
enjoy our presence, but soon they seemed to stop noticing anything
untoward. It was as if morning, pyjamas and coffee
created a familiar picture. We blended in completely.
3 While shopping at Winners, the store employees seemed to
go out of their way to ignore us. There were only a couple of other
shoppers there, who also completely ignored us.
{Insert Pyjamas Photos}
Late Afternoon Twins
1 We began along the Yonge subway line by getting on the
same subway car from different stations. We didnt acknowledge
each other, and exited separately seeming to go our own way. We
repeated permutations of this. When people noticed us they did a
very comical double take but quickly looked away. There was no engagement
at all. This is the only costume in which no one asked us what we
were doing or talked to us at all.
2 Winners. We sought out and tried on a variety of matching
clothes in the store, then went to the change room to try on some
more. Then we bought nylons. Again, there was no overt response
or kind of engagement from anyone in the store.
{Insert Twins Photos}
In the performances of Day 1 we could divide the passersby into
three categories: those who noticed us, those who didnt notice
us, and those who pretended not to. In our pyjamas people engaged
with us, stared at us, made passing comments or asked us questions
whereas with twins they didnt.
In the pyjamas we went from very visible (in the subway) to invisible
(in Starbucks). We wondered to what degree this was because we became
more comfortable in our costumes, or how much of it was because
of the context in which we placed ourselves. With twins the reactions
of people did not seem to vary with the context.
People were worried about us when we were in the subway in our pyjamas.
Apparently many didnt think it was a performance, but they
did feel some responsibility towards us, and felt they should call
the police.
They thought we were either crazy or had Alzheimers. They were looking
for our wrist-bands (as if we were missing a piece of our costume).
In Winners in both costumes, people avoided us, and when we compelled
contact they acted as if the situation were perfectly normal. Our
accomplice and photographer, Aiden, witnessed a conference about
us during which the staff discussed whether they should do something.
In our pyjamas we almost felt like we were enacting a precept of
Artaud. Though we got more response in our pyjamas, we felt that
Twins was perhaps a more interesting performance .We could see we
were evoking peoples curiosity even though they chose not
to talk to us. And in this way it might have been more theatrical.
Is it still an audience if they pretend not to look?
Day 2
Morning Victorian Dresses
1 - We walked through the PATH underground shopping mall from Queen
and Yonge to Wellington and Simcoe. On the way we drank coffee sitting
on a staircase. We carried maps of the underground maze with us,
and at most intersections stopped to consult them. When we did this
someone usually stopped to offer assistance. Two ladies kindly escorted
us to the food court, where we bought and ate breakfast.
2 - Roy Thompson Hall
The first person we encountered was the security guard who was expecting
us. She launched into a long story about her mother trying to make
her wear fancy dresses when she was a kid and how that just wasnt
her style. We went through the bowels of the building escorted by
Production Manager Sean Baker. We went alone into the administration
offices where no one took notice of us. One woman had to get up
from her desk to let us pass in our giant dresses and made no comment
or even eye contact. We went to the box office and made inquiries
about an upcoming programme. In this environment of Theatricality
we seemed to be a non-event.
{Insert Victorian Dresses Photos}
Afternoon - Uniforms
1 - We held the doors open for people at Union Station. Lots of
people said thank you politely in what felt like quite a formal
interaction. Security arrived quite quickly and asked us to stop.
They said we looked like we were promoting something, and added
that if they wanted someone to open the doors they would have hired
someone.
2 - In the smoking area people were apprehensive with us; no one
let us light their cigarettes. We had a conversation with a woman
about this fact, and she said that it was because they felt that
if they engaged with us then they would have to give us something
in return.
3 - We became quite mundane when we were opening doors at the skywalk,
and felt like ushers. People were polite, assumed we were employed
there, and asked us for directions quite frequently. There, in this
costume, we assumed both an authority and a function.
{Insert Uniforms Photos}
In our period dresses we were completely visible, with a very clear
audience. It was like we were performing for them. This must have
been greatly affected by the Christmas season in which our research
took place. There was a certain overtly consumable appeal to the
costumes, as if we were performing what they imagined a work
of art to be. In this way the costume really was recognized
as a costume. People quite willingly gave us directions. Interestingly,
this is the one experience that didnt vary from our expectations.
Wearing uniforms, on the other hand, was nothing like we expected
it to be. In fact it was quite heartbreaking. We were performing
conventional acts of helpfulness and it very much felt like a predefined
role, and that we were not social peers of the people we interacted
with. Uniforms may have their own class - that they evoked something
beyond the costume itself. In the hostile interaction with security
(who were considerably less friendly than the cops were in the subway
station the day before) it felt like a uniform against uniform confrontation.
We have speculated on whether the same actions in different costumes
might have elicited a different response.
People were more comfortable, more open to our helplessness in our
dresses than to helpfulness in our uniforms.
Throughout day 2 people had a very definite idea of what we were
doing or who we were, as if it didnt even require a second
thought (unlike day 1). Dresses, because of the season and the period
style, aligned us with Xmas pageantry; uniforms evoked something
official and familiar as though we were part of something bigger.
In both uniforms and dresses there was a tacit expectation that
we were selling something. Interesting that no one minded us being
there in our Victorian dresses (we got directions from a security
guard) whereas we were asked to leave when in our uniforms.
Day 3
noon Bear suit and business lady
When we arrived at Marché Restaurant we were greeted with
enthusiasm by the staff and the patrons. They felt free to stare,
smile, and come up and talk to us, though in reality they talked
almost exclusively to Moynan (the business lady). Several people
wanted pictures taken with us. We performed a number of commonplace
activities like getting coffee and going to the bank machine, and
the responses of our audience were remarkably consistent
throughout. Attention, enthusiasm, and a consistent clear sexual
(heterosexual) overtone from the adults and a fascination mixed
with fear from the children.
Though it wasnt one of our initial interests, by day 3 we
were attuned to the responses of the authorities. Aiden saw them
hovering and checking us out, and they rode behind us on the escalator
but they did not approach us.
{Insert Bear Photos}
This one was very fun and a good note to end on. Our audience
was completely there for us. Though our presence must have been
on some level absurd, in some way we completely blended in, in a
way that we did not at all anticipate. No one seemed to question
why we were there; their response seemed to be unmitigated enjoyment.
They did, however, make a lot of sociological assumptions
everyone assumed that Sherri (in the bear suit) was a man and that
we were on a date.
Conclusions:
We set out in our costumes to consider the concept of an audience
in an uncontrolled public environment.
We perhaps had more control over the fact of an audience than we
ourselves were first willing to admit. They are the audience in
some ways because we decided that they were the audience. We put
ourselves in their way and invited them to respond to us and, generally
speaking, they did.
We realized, however, that we had less control than we had envisioned
of how the audience reacted. We had imagined that the further out
on the gamut of normalcy our costumes were the greater the reaction
from the public would be. That was a bit simplistic. In some ways
we had the most normal and human interactions as in the bear and
lady costumes. The audience responded at times (to the uniforms
and the pyjamas) according to a sociological bias, but to the bear
and the lady costumes they seemed to react viscerally and emotionally.
We became increasingly aware of the fact that this was theatrical
research yes, but it was psychological and social research too.
The context in which we wore the costumes was certainly a large
contributing factor as well. We put on some of our costumes in multiple
venues and noted the differences. If we were going to be completely
scientific about it, and if we had had more time we would have done
the same action in each costume. And done each costume at different
times of the day.
This experiment clarified one important dichotomy for us; that of
endorsed culture vs. surreptitious culture. It articulated for us
that the kind of work were interested in exploring is one
where people have a choice whether to have a theatrical experience
or not. People count on life being mundane; it is in the chinks
of this mundanity that interesting theatre can exist.
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